Tuesday, July 3, 2018




USA: Five corrupt “Justices”




Image result for photo of supreme court building




Ever since the United States Supreme Court appointed George W. Bush president during the coup of 2000, a majority of its members have been on an unabashed mission to replace democracy with plutocracy and individual freedom with corporate fascism.
In Citizens United, five so-called “justices” stated that corporations and labor unions can spend unlimited amounts of money to indirectly (through advertising, movies, etc.) support political candidates.  Although this appears to create a balance between the rights of corporations and labor, its duplicity soon became apparent.  Following this ruling, numerous states instituted “right-to-work” laws (Indiana even “fast-tracking” theirs) that allow workers in union shops to refuse to pay union dues, while still compelling unions to provide them representation.
The strategy was simple.  Since labor unions traditionally represent Democratic candidates, pretend that, in theory, unions have the right to financially support candidates of their choice, but then take away their resources to do so.  This is not much different from arguing that a farmer has the right to grow crops while taking away his/her land.
Naturally, this will leave the corporate voice as the most powerful voice in American politics.  After all, what mainstream politician is going to campaign on a workers’ rights platform if it will cost him/her corporate sponsorship?
But the Supreme Court, in another 5-4 decision, wasn’t satisfied with the corruption wrought by Citizens United.  The case of McCutcheon vs. FEC (2014) gave corporations and wealthy individuals the ability to make financial donations directly to an unlimited number of candidates.
And they still were not done.  Since the Citizens United ruling, these five corrupt “justices” have continued their crusade to regress the United States Constitution back to the days when only white male landowners could vote.  To accomplish this, they have:
1.     Gutted the Voting Rights Act that protects the right of African-Americans to vote;
2.     Allowed states to “purge” voter registration rolls, even though such purges disproportionately affect racial minorities and the poor;
3.     Defined political corruption so narrowly that it is now almost impossible to prosecute;
4.      Supported gerrymandering by permitting states to create election districts designed to dilute the votes of racial minorities and/or to give political advantage to the party in power;
5.     And, as I was writing this article, the Court, in the case of Janus vs. AFSCME (and in another 5-4 decision) ruled that non-union, public sector employees do not have to pay union dues, even though the union still must represent them. 
And for those who would argue that my arguments about the true intent of these rulings are nothing more than hyperbole, I give you this tweet from Donald Trump after the Janus ruling.  “Big loss for the coffers of the Democrats!”
Having practiced law, and directly witnessed the idiocy, political corruption, and incompetence of many participants in it, including many judges, I can state unequivocally that America’s legal system would be laughable, if its consequences to people’s liberties, and even their lives, wasn’t so severe.  Drenching horse manure with gravy does not turn it into mashed potatoes, and cloaking a person with a black robe does not magically remove their ineptitude, venality, or biases, or bestow them with some ethereal wisdom.
There is a theory in jurisprudence, known as legal realism, that argues there is no such thing as law-just judges doing whatever they want and calling it law.
This argument is often countered by those who say that judges routinely follow legal precedents (known as stare decisis), even when those precedents conflict with their personal beliefs.  In fact, one of the infamous gang-of-five, chief “justice” John Roberts, often supports stare decisis with his words.
His deeds, however, tell a whole different story.  In both the Citizens United and Janus rulings, for example, Roberts completely ignored decades of legal precedent.
But perhaps the strongest argument that legal realism is the true American jurisprudence, one need look no further than the machinations of one of the most powerful and duplicitous members of the United States Senate:  Mitch McConnell.
When one of the original gang-of-five, Antonin Scalia died, Barack Obama sought to replace him with Merrick Garland, but McConnell refused to hold confirmation hearings for him.  Ultimately, after Trump’s dubious “election,” Neil Gorsuch became Scalia’s replacement.  After Gorsuch was instrumental in upholding Trump’s so-called “travel ban” (in another 5-4 vote), McConnell gloated by sending out a picture of him shaking Gorsuch’s hand.
Let that image sink in.  If there was truly such a thing as “law,” and judges are, unless they have good cause not to, supposed to follow stare decisis, then why should it matter who assumed Scalia’s seat?  The answer is clear:  The United States Supreme Court is not comprised of “learned” legal scholars nobly interpreting the Constitution.  It is an assortment of political lackeys with the power to give their biases, racism, and hypocrisy the force of law.
For example, many legal critics have noted that this gang-of-five, in ruling that a so-called “Christian” baker could deny service to a same-sex couple, relied heavily on alleged “anti-religious” statements government officials had directed against him.  Yet just a few days later, this same gang-of-five totally ignored Trump’s anti-Muslim statements when upholding his “travel ban.”
And it gets worse.  Shortly after the Janus ruling, one of the gang-of-five, Anthony Kennedy, announced his retirement.  While Kennedy’s role in the destruction of American democracy should not be understated, he was considered to be the “swing vote” that would occasionally join the “liberal bloc” of justices.
This was particularly evident in cases involving the right of same-sex couples to engage in sexual activity and marry.  But Kennedy’s retirement leaves unsettled the issue of whether private businesses can discriminate against people based upon their sexual orientation, and, given the fact that Trump will be allowed to pick his successor, the prospect of prohibiting such discrimination has significantly dimmed.
In two recent Pravda.Report articles (The Sarah Huckabee Sanders Scam, June 24, 2018, and The Huckabee Sanders Scam, Part Two, June 27, 2018), I discussed the “outrage” that erupted after Huckabee Sanders, Trump’s chief propagandist, was denied service at a small Virginia restaurant, even though both Sanders and Trump have openly defended businesses that refused to serve same-sex couples.
Many commentators and politicians, even Democrats usually against Trump, denounced this restaurant’s actions and demanded a return to “civility.”
The motivation behind this demand was understandable.  By refusing to take the “low road,” these Democratic politicians believe they will negate Trump’s ability to influence voters in the looming mid-term elections by portraying himself, Sanders, and others of their ilk as “victims” of the “intolerant left.”  And the fact that Trump is going to attempt to replace Kennedy prior to these elections clearly indicates he has concerns about Democrats retaking the House, Senate, or both.
But an article by Ryan Cooper in THE WEEK, entitled In Defense of Incivility effectively argued that the Democrats’ “high-road” strategy might be quixotic.
Cooper notes that proponents of the “far right” could care less about civility when it comes to expressing their viewpoints, and, as I stated in Huckabee Sanders, Part Two, they often demand “civility” from their opponents just so they can portray them as vacillating and weak.
But Cooper’s most potent argument is that bringing change through votes is becoming more and more unrealistic thanks to institutions like the United States Supreme Court: “If electoral pathways are not available-because the next election is some months hence, or the legislature has been rigged through gerrymandering and Voter ID laws, or people simply have no congressional representation at all-that political force [incivility] is going to flow the other way.  It’s ridiculous to expect otherwise.”
I would add that it is also ridiculous to allow five corrupt, politicized, biased hypocrites in black robes to detrimentally impact the lives of millions of people.  And, for the record, I would say this regardless of where on the political spectrum these five reside.
My solution, as I proposed in my article, The Supreme Court Should Not Be Supreme (Pravda.Report, June 21, 2012), is that Supreme Court decisions be submitted and reviewed by all federal judges in the district and appellate courts, who would then have the power to overrule them:  “A 5-4 decision would be overturned if 51% of [these] judges voted against it; a 6-3 decision would require a minimum of 61% to overturn; a 7-2 decision, a minimum of 71%; an 8-1 decision, a minimum of 81%; and a 9-0 decision, a minimum of 91%.”
Not only would this provide a much needed “check-and-balance” on the power of five unelected people, it would also reduce the machinations of unscrupulous politicians like McConnell and Trump, who seek to “pack” the court so it can carry out their political agendas.
There are dark days ahead in America-a darkness that might spread across the world.  Sadly, even if America awakes and responds to the corruption, mendacity, hypocrisy, and divisiveness Trump is bringing to the nation by voting him and his followers out of office, his imprint could remain for decades in the hands of five corrupt “justices.”

Sunday, July 1, 2018




British jihadis who travel to Iraq to fight for ISIS face death by hanging after trials lasting as little as 10 minutes

  • A judge has revealed that a number of UK passport holders are awaiting trial after capture on the battlefield
  • Prime minister Haider al-Abadi, ordered the execution of all jihadis on death row in retaliation for IS killing eight hostages
  • Some fighters with British passports had already been sentenced and it is ‘possible’ they had been given the death penalty
British fanatics who travel to Iraq to fight for Islamic State face death by hanging after trials lasting as little as ten minutes.
A judge has revealed that a number of UK passport holders are awaiting trial after capture on the battlefield – and says he is protecting Britain by sentencing terrorists to death.
His comments came as Iraq executed 13 convicted terrorists hours after the country’s prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, ordered the immediate execution of all jihadis on death row in retaliation for IS killing eight hostages.
A judge has revealed that a number of UK passport holders are awaiting trial after capture on the battlefield
A judge has revealed that a number of UK passport holders are awaiting trial after capture on the battlefield
An image grab taken from an AFPTV video shows Belgian jihadist Tarik Jadaoun, known by his nom de guerre Abu Hamza al-Beljiki, being escorted out of the court after his trial in Baghdad
An image grab taken from an AFPTV video shows Belgian jihadist Tarik Jadaoun, known by his nom de guerre Abu Hamza al-Beljiki, being escorted out of the court after his trial in Baghdad
Abdul Sattar Beraqdar, spokesman for the Supreme Judicial Council, has tried hundreds of cases involving IS at the central criminal court in Baghdad, and sentenced many to death.
The judge said some fighters with British passports had already been sentenced and it was ‘possible’ they had been given the death penalty. More cases are yet to be completed, he added.
His comments are the first public confirmation that there are UK fighters in Iraqi jails. The Foreign Office in London said it was not aware of the cases mentioned.
Arguing that British members of IS deserve to die, Mr Beraqdar said: ‘The punishment, as much as it seems strong, will affect the security of your country.
British ISIS soldiers blasts UK in first audio interview
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‘I am sure there are hundreds of people in Britain at this moment thinking of committing similar crimes. That’s why we, as Iraqis, if we are tough in sentencing these people, they will think thoroughly before taking any action.’
Some 850 UK citizens are believed to have travelled to Iraq and Syria to fight with IS, and hundreds are still thought to be there.
The Mail is aware of at least one British citizen suspected of fighting for IS who is currently detained in Iraq. UK officials examined the possibility of flying him back to Britain on an RAF jet to face trial last year – but ministers blocked the plan, fearing it would ‘open the floodgates’.
It is not clear how many more British fighters are detained in Iraq, but at least three are in prison in Syria, including two members of the notorious ‘Beatles’ gang of hostage executioners.
The Mail was granted access to Baghdad’s high-security central criminal court, where nine IS suspects, including one from Turkey, were tried over three hours. Some trials were as short as ten minutes.

Mass execution for fanatics  

Islamic State terrorists are hanged in large groups at the notorious al-Hoot prison 200 miles south-east of Baghdad.
They stand on a metal frame with small doors beneath them, which open when the order is given.
Chilling photos released by the justice ministry last week showed four dead extremists, hooded and handcuffed, hanging in a row in the gallows.
Before their execution they sat crossed-legged and blindfolded in front of a wall. They were part of a group of 13 who were hanged.
The UN has said it is ‘appalled’ at the mass executions.In one that lasted 15 minutes, Mohammed Yousif was accused of being a member of IS. He pleaded innocent, saying ‘my confession was taken from me by force’.
The judge in the case told the Mail: ‘The savage and brutal crimes they committed, killing people in cold blood – they deserve the maximum punishment.’
A third judge said: ‘You in the UK can put [a terrorist] in jail for the rest of his life and you can spend money on him. We don’t have enough resources.
‘Putting them in jail instead of executing them could lead to them running away. They are not only threatening Iraq if they fled, they would threaten the whole of Europe, including Britain. For that reason, the terrorists should be eliminated here.’
In April a judicial source said more than 300 people, including about 100 foreign women, had been condemned to death in Iraq for links with IS.
A Foreign Office spokesman said: ‘Our policy remains that terrorist fighters should be held to account by the states upon whose territories their crimes have been committed. We oppose the death penalty in all cases.’

Thursday, June 28, 2018










ANDREW CHUNG / REUTERS




In January 2017, when President Donald Trump’s so-called Muslim ban was first announced, I was passionately against it. It was one of the most frightening texts I’ve read from U.S. government officials in my lifetime. The Supreme Court just upheld the third iteration of the travel ban in Trump v. Hawaii, and I find myself in the odd position of opposing the court’s ruling on personal and moral grounds, while also thinking it was a legally plausible interpretation.

Like most political developments of the Trump era, there is a tension between having the “right” position and having the “correct” position. A pure anti-Trump position would entail opposing the court’s ruling regardless of its substantive content. This feels morally right—and it may even be the morally right—but that doesn’t necessarily make it correct. The Supreme Court, unlike Congress, is not tasked to make moral judgments about the law, at least not explicitly.
The first version of the travel ban, which, among other things, appears to have been intended to troll liberals, explicitly discriminated based on religion. The very fact of being Muslim was grounds for scrutiny. One clause, in particular, effectively imposed a religious test. Refugees facing religious persecution could be admitted but only if “the religion of the individual is a minority religion in the individual’s country of nationality.” The revised version, issued in September 2017, omits such language, and incorporates two non-Muslim countries, North Korea and Venezuela. Regarding Syrian refugees, this means that, in theory if not necessarily in practice, entry restrictions on Syrian refugees would apply equally to Muslims and Christians alike. Accordingly, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that the president’s directive was “neutral on its face.”







Of course, the president’s directive is probably not neutral in intent. Trump and many of his senior aides bear an avowed animus toward Muslims or Islam, or both. Trump himself said during the 2016 campaign that he thinks “Islam hates us.” How much should intent matter? Constitutional law scholars—and of course the Supreme Court itself—are divided. In her dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor cited Trump’s rather long paper (or tweet) trail to argue that “taking all the relevant evidence together, a reasonable observer would conclude that the Proclamation was driven primarily by anti-Muslim animus.” But the extent to which certain motivations figure more than others is always difficult to divine. It’s also possible that someone’s intent changes over time, and it’s not necessarily the easiest task to discern what Trump’s “primary” versus “secondary” motivations might be on any specific matter.  What we do know is that the discriminatory nature of the text of the order itself is no longer self-evident, so what might have initially been an unequivocally discriminatory “Muslim ban” is now something else.
I am still deeply uncomfortable with the Supreme Court’s ruling. It contributes to the legitimization and mainstreaming of anti-Muslim bigotry. That’s certainly how it will be interpreted by millions of Americans. But that doesn’t mean the ruling itself, in narrow terms, rises to the level of one of the great moral questions of our time. The decision does not turn American Muslims like myself into “second-class citizens,” and to insist that it does will make it impossible for us to claim that we have actually become second-class citizens, if such a thing ever happens. To claim that Jim Crow or the Holocaust were similarly “legal” diminishes the moral seriousness of crimes that nearly all Americans, today, agree were unequivocally wrong. (No such consensus exists on Trump v. Hawaii and to assume that it will exist at some point in the future is to assume that morality will always necessarily be progressive and retroactive.) To use a less incendiary comparison, it is also difficult to argue that Trump v. Hawaii is comparable to the 1944 Korematsu v. U.S. decision permitting the internment of Japanese Americans. Nation-states generally have wide latitude in determining which non-citizens can enter their borders, where Korematsu targeted U.S. citizens.
Voters should be able to debate which entry and immigration policies are most appropriate, effective, and, yes, moral as it relates to non-citizens outside of our borders. To insist that such questions should be decided outside the confines of normal democratic deliberation undermines democratic responsiveness and accountability. This is particularly a risk at a time when immigration, rightly or wrongly, has become a top concern of voters in most Western democracies. To think that such questions can be resolved by dismissing or bypassing the views of your fellow citizens is a “long term recipe for public disillusionment and alienation,” writes Tablet’s Yair Rosenberg. The courts may be great places to bend the arc of history toward justice, but they’re only great places for that when they agree with whatever we already think is just.
As The New York Times notes, those who feel uncomfortable (or disgusted) with recent Supreme Court decisions must “look somewhere else. That place is the ballot box.” Moral judgments on constitutionally and legally muddy debates can be rendered, but they’re best rendered by persuading as many of our fellow citizens that they should stop voting for anti-Muslim presidents.